New Reader Alert – this blog
is a sequential release of a longer written piece. Each segment works hard to ‘stand
alone,’ but inevitably, they make more sense in context, which means reading
from the beginning post through to the latest post, which is actually the
current ‘end.’ Thank you for stopping by – please leave a comment; it would be
great to hear what you think about these ideas.
With appreciation, Laurie
Serfdom in Modern America:
Forging Our Own Chains
On Feminism - From Equal to Angel to Workhorse
On Feminism - From Equal to Angel to Workhorse
First Wave feminism,
more aptly described as Equity Feminism, was a high-minded response to a need
which grew out of the changing economy which allowed serious abuse of workers
in factories. Prior to the Industrial Revolution, most work was done within the construct of the
“Family Economy,” where all members of the family made their own contributions
to the unit’s survival. Work in a Family Economy could be gendered, but not
rigidly, and female work was not immediately devalued because it was done in
the open and was ‘visible,’ as was all other work in this economy.
In a Family Economy women’s work was often associated with the generation of cash, and with very high public visibility; in a barter society women developed streams of industry (raising poultry, selling excess butter, weaving cloth at home) which brought cash into the family economy. This work was often done communally, with many women working together, even occasionally to benefit one of the group at a particular time – such as would be the case with many women working together to construct a woman’s dowry or trousseau, those household items she would need to bring with her into a marriage in order to establish her new home. On the whole, women were seen in a far more positive light than they soon would be with the origin of a wage economy where they would forever and ever, amen, earn less than men (at least for the almost 200 years so far since this experiment began).
In a Family Economy women’s work was often associated with the generation of cash, and with very high public visibility; in a barter society women developed streams of industry (raising poultry, selling excess butter, weaving cloth at home) which brought cash into the family economy. This work was often done communally, with many women working together, even occasionally to benefit one of the group at a particular time – such as would be the case with many women working together to construct a woman’s dowry or trousseau, those household items she would need to bring with her into a marriage in order to establish her new home. On the whole, women were seen in a far more positive light than they soon would be with the origin of a wage economy where they would forever and ever, amen, earn less than men (at least for the almost 200 years so far since this experiment began).
With the emergence of
wages and the transition from the Family Economy to the Wage Economy, during
the IR we see an entirely different dynamic begin to control the perception of
the value of ‘women’s work.’ Ironically, the emergence of a wage economy
devalued female domestic contributions by making them invisible to society and
to their families. Factory and mill owners needed the cheap labor these females
represented, and lured them into low-paying jobs; however, female work was
always considered temporary and was always done in addition to responsibilities
for domestic work on behalf of their families.
Even though women could go ‘out’ to earn a small wage, rather than produce a product or service at home for cash, that work took second place to their unpaid, unwaged domestic responsibilities at home, which were now done by women alone, rather than in concert with other family or community members (by now other women and most men had now entered factory work and domestic work became a solitary labor for the most part). At this point lower female wages, or lack of wages, ironically contributed to the devaluation of their efforts on behalf of the family, and their attendant loss of status, as the new ‘wage’ mentality automatically devalued work for which no wage was earned, which now meant the majority of all household work. Ominously, women had more access to cash in a barter economy than they would have in the new wage economy.
Even though women could go ‘out’ to earn a small wage, rather than produce a product or service at home for cash, that work took second place to their unpaid, unwaged domestic responsibilities at home, which were now done by women alone, rather than in concert with other family or community members (by now other women and most men had now entered factory work and domestic work became a solitary labor for the most part). At this point lower female wages, or lack of wages, ironically contributed to the devaluation of their efforts on behalf of the family, and their attendant loss of status, as the new ‘wage’ mentality automatically devalued work for which no wage was earned, which now meant the majority of all household work. Ominously, women had more access to cash in a barter economy than they would have in the new wage economy.
Another dynamic which
emerged as the result of the new wage economy was a change in how wages were
apportioned between men and women and how that structure reflected the changing
nature and purpose of dowries. Traditionally, dowries were that portion that a
woman brought into her marriage. Immediately prior to the IR that would have
been possibly a small amount of cash, along with the household objects and
items that were invariably provided by the new wife upon her marriage to her
new household economy. As women began to enter the factories and earn wages
their paychecks began to replace their dowries as they saved their earnings for
future marriage.
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